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Instead, he allows himself to be as Plato puts it in the Republic "infected with the reality" of what he sees on stage. Viewed as subhuman by their oppressors, Nazi victims were neither coerced nor lured into thinking about them as anything other than evil. The opposition of good and evil was therefore supposed to appear to the victim as meaningless when confronted by the opposition of masters and slaves, the strong and the weak.

The main difference, in this respect, between the Nazi camps and the Gulag is the fact that in the Gulag evil parades in the guise of goodness. Unlike the Nazi rhetoric, the official Soviet rhetoric, addressed to the prisoners, their camp masters, and the population at large, presented the Gulag as a well-meaning and successful experiment in resocializing ill-adjusted and confused individuals. According to the Marxist premise of class-based consciousness, the Bolsheviks claimed that the source of both crime and political opposition actual or imagined by the Soviet authorities to Bolshevism lay in a person's inability or unwillingness to free him or herself from the confusing vestiges of the pre-revolutionary bourgeois class consciousness.

Therefore, eradicating crime and political opposition was presented as achievable through the transformation coercive if necessary of the old consciousness "old man" into a new, Soviet one. Slave labor and systematic reeducation were viewed by the Bolsheviks as two mutually complementary means of this transformation.

As early as , Feliks Dzerzhinsky called for the transformation of the Bolshevik concentration camps of the Civil War into more systematically organized "schools of labor. For example, Belomorsko-baltiiskii kanal imeni Stalina , a collective "non-fiction" volume by 36 Soviet authors praising the construction of the White Sea-Baltic Canal by Gulag inmates, describes this mission: "We eliminate only the most stubborn and stiff-necked enemies.

As for people of the old world caught opposing the new, we try to transform them. The Thaw, especially the publication of Solzhenitsyn's One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich in , briefly challenged the perekovka rhetoric, but in the mids the theme of the Gulag was muffled again and remained a taboo in official Soviet discourse until glasnost'.

This difference can be traced back to the ideological factors determining a person's status in each of these two systems of oppression: "race" versus "class. Unlike the Nazi camps, the Gulag was not designed to directly annihilate entire categories of people but rather to exploit them and, at least in theory, transform their consciousness.

In the words of Barbara Skarga, this language replaces the real camp with "a phantom or an idea of the camp," in which there are no victors and vanquished No, there are only the good shepherds on the one hand and, on the other, the confused sheep who should be grateful for all the care of the shepherds. There are no masters and slaves exploited beyond their capacity… There are no murderers and murdered No, the administration of the camp plays the role of worried fathers who, broken hearted, must punish their own children The Nazis did not conceal their hostility nor did they require their victims to declare their love for them And so, each prisoner of the Gulag, like each Soviet citizen, enters the domain of the lie.

If he dreams of surviving he must deny his own self. He must speak the same language as his oppressors, he must repeat the same slogans, the same well-known words He can do it cynically, knowing that this is a game. But he can go too far He can start believing in his own game, and then his fate will be truly sorrowful. Before his body is destroyed, his soul will fall. What one struggles for in the Gulag is, besides physical survival, the survival of one's ability to identify oneself morally in opposition to, and not as a part of, the system of oppression.

Crucial for the moral survival of the prisoner, this ability constitutes a fundamental condition enabling a prisoner of the Gulag to become a witness. To be a witness, one must successfully resist the pressure to internalize the language of the regime; a witness who views his Gulag experience according to the moral categories imposed on him by the language of his oppressors is not a witness but part of the cover-up.

A Crack in the Wooden Screen Understanding the specific nature of the moral assault of the Gulag is crucial in order to appreciate the special character of Evgeniia Ginzburg's testimony to her eighteen years spent in Stalin's prisons, camps, and confined settlement.

Ginzburg's two-volume memoir, Krutoi marshrut was translated into English under two titles: Journey into the Whirlwind vol. The Congress called upon writers to compose literary testimonies to the "period of the cult of personality. He carped at every paragraph: 'You won't get that past the censor. All this had a considerable effect on the first part. Both editors kept the manuscript for a long time only to finally reject it Polevoi as late as , clearly for political reasons.

Meanwhile the memoir had begun circulating in samizdat and in it was published abroad Frankfurt and Milan. After this publication, Ginzburg wrote the second volume without the hopes for publication in the Soviet Union. It appeared in in Milan. Whereas most testimonies to moral resistance in the Gulag underscore the reliance of the victims on moral languages that anchored their identities before their imprisonment, Ginzburg testifies to resisting this assault despite discovering in prison that the moral language that anchored her identity before her imprisonment was, in fact, vacuous.

Her experience of the Gulag is not of a successful defense of her moral identity against overwhelming pressures, but rather of a purposeful abandonment of her old moral framework of identity and the construction, almost from scratch, of a new one. She accomplishes this under conditions of extreme vulnerability, in a situation defying all reasonable expectations of success.

I would have obeyed without the slightest hesitation. I had not the shadow of a doubt of the rightness of the Party line. So while the Soviet system of oppression tried to lure its victims into moral self-identification with the regime by presenting these victims with a fictitious prospect of their inner transformation, no such transformation was necessary in Ginzburg's case.

Instead, as someone without "the shadow of a doubt in the rightness of the Party line," she was merely asked by her political superiors to reconfirm her political and moral allegiance to the Party. Wrongly accused and imprisoned, she was not pressured into abandoning a language in which her sense of moral identity was anchored.

On the contrary, she was expected to make it even more solid and substantial. In the fourth chapter of Ginzburg's memoir, the chairman of the bureau of Party political control, Comrade Beilin, asks young Evgeniia Zhenia Ginzburg already accused but not yet arrested to stop clinging to her "subjective" perception that she is innocent and, instead, to recognize that it is the Party, not her, who possesses the ultimate authority to "objectively" pronounce her guilt or innocence.

In the Leninist ethical world, whose sole foundation is the "class interest of the proletariat," the only entity competent to define this interest objectively at a particular time and place is the Communist Party, the ultimate repository of the collective will and wisdom of the proletariat.

Lenin made this point clear on many occasions. We do not believe in eternal morality. This person should immediately admit his or her shortcoming to the Party and embrace whatever remedy the Party deems fit. At the time of Ginzburg's arrest, such confessions were commonplace. Throughout the Soviet Union, "large halls were turned into public confessionals," she writes.

Beating their breasts, the "guilty" would lament that they "had shown political short-sightedness" and "lack of vigilance," "compromised with dubious elements," "added grist" to this or that mill, and were tainted with "rotten liberalism. The press, too, was flooded with contrite articles by Party theorists, frightened out of their wits like rabbits and not attempting to conceal this fear.

The young Zhenia Ginzburg refuses to join in this "torrent of confessions" to admit her guilt despite her innocence. By refusing she in fact fails to recognize the Party's position as the supreme judge of right and wrong. By Bolshevik standards, she becomes guilty of apostasy: despite her assurances to the contrary, she lacks faith in the ideology that endows the Party leadership with ultimate moral authority.

Confronted by this test of ideological consistency, Zhenia fails by the standards that, just a little earlier, she considered her own. When tested, she discovers that in fact she does have more than "the shadow of a doubt in the rightness of the Party line. On the contrary, in Stalin's prison the worst possible place for moral self-doubt , when her vulnerability, both physical and moral, is at its highest, she recognizes Bolshevik moral discourse as deficient and so allows her old identity, anchored in this discourse, to fall apart.

During an interrogation, the NKVD officer, Major El'shin, hands her a list of people whom she is asked to identify as co-conspirators in a fictitious plot. She recognizes one name on the list — Kavi Nadzhimi, a Tatar writer she had seen a few times.

When she refuses to incriminate anyone on the list, Major El'shin teases her: "Anxious to spare Nadzhimi? He didn't spare you," said the Major enigmatically. In order to be able to use such words and not contradict herself, Zhenia must find a new language, in which she can rebuild her undermined sense of moral identity.

This must be a language in which words like "conscience" and "honesty" mean more than Major El'shin suggests, a language enabling her to separate herself morally from her oppressors. This realization does not, however, directly imply that she must abandon the ideological discourse of the Party. As paradoxical as it sounds, Gulag literature abounds in examples of Bolshevik victims who manage to preserve their old identities rooted in the ideological discourse of the Party precisely in order to separate themselves morally from their Bolshevik oppressors.

Ginzburg is a superb observer of these psychological strategies at work. But here? Here I had first to determine who these people were, who kept me imprisoned. Were they fascists in disguise? Or victims of some super-subtle provocation, some fantastic hoax? And how should a Communist behave 'in prison in his own country,' as Major [El'shin] had put it? In the midst of Stalin's horrors, where protecting the consistency of one's moral identity is a matter of survival, she chooses to undertake a lonely search for a new and more suitable moral language, in whose domain she hopes to rebuild her moral sense of the world and self.

Here, the only people worth noticing and mentioning in the narrative are almost exclusively Party activists who are always referred to in terms of their functions in the Party hierarchy. While facing the workers she notices her surroundings, the "cotton filled sacks in the middle of the factory floor," but there is no account of the people to whom she speaks.

They exist only on the shadowy fringes of the world illuminated by the ideological discourse radiating from the leadership of the Party. Outside this domain of light is a realm of darkness, ignorance, and evil, where everything seems obscured and suspect, and where the class enemy seems to lurk, always ready to attack. She is really a good old soul, and dreadfully unhappy. Behind these doors were friends of mine, Communists who had been cast down into hell before me I had mentally prepared myself for solitary confinement.

I was not alone. This already was a blessing. On the one side of this opposition are her "friends, Communists"; on the other side is a blank — an absence of human beings the prospect of solitary confinement. In her mind, meeting another human being means meeting someone who shares her own ideological discourse and who can be classified as one of "us Communists. As the two women try to communicate in the cell, Zhenia quickly realizes that her language is useless as a tool of communication between them.

It was all so far away from my small, closed world of Party intellectuals and scholars," Ginzburg writes. All of a sudden, in a face-to-face encounter with a human being from outside of the world of Party discourse, that discourse appears to Zhenia as confining, preventing her from encountering a fellow human.

Their incomprehensibility to Liama is not a matter of her lack of knowledge of a particular communicative code. A code can be taught and translated into another code, just as Chinese can be translated into Russian. Comparing the incomprehensibility of Bolshevik ideological language to the incomprehensibility of Chinese to a Russian fails Zhenia altogether. Therefore, this language is utterly meaningless for non-believers.

Facing Liama, a non-believer unfamiliar with the ideological rhetoric, Zhenia can relate to her in two opposite ways. She may simply view Liama as some profane who should be either initiated into a higher level of consciousness or ignored.

Instead Zhenia takes the opposite approach. Her failure to communicate with Liama appears to her as evidence of the inner vacuity of her own terms of communication rather than of the inadequate communicative competence of her interlocutor. And so, having disposed of her failed ideological language, Zhenia opens up to the inexhaustible reality of the human encounter with the other.

She describes her living space: "The window of our cell was protected not only by thick bars but by a high wooden screen which left only a tiny scrap of sky to be seen above it. Do you notice anything? The motif of the cracked wooden screen is immediately echoed by the motif of the prison walls "coming to life.

Slowly, Zhenia and Liama learn the "prison alphabet," enabling them to communicate by knocking on the walls. After painstaking efforts, Zhenia establishes communications with the prisoner in the adjacent cell. This happens without her knowing who this person is.

She is astonished when she learns his name: Garei Sagidullin. It was the heading of a propaganda theme. Under the abstract noun "Sagidullinism," she now finds a concrete, living human being. What Ginzburg's autobiographical testimony illuminates here is more than a personal experience; it is a peculiar twentieth-century form of the distinction between the language of to use Camus' famous formulation "those who make history" and "those who suffer it.

Viewed through those ideological prisms, the other appears as nothing more than a specimen of a larger abstract entity class, race or a locus through which this or that ideological position is reflected. References Barnes C. Morawski, Wyd. Campling J.

Charlton J. Crow L. Fine M. Philadelphia Garland-Thomson R. Ghai A. Priestley Ed. Global Gender Gap. Goodley D. Theorising ablism and disablism, Routledge, London Hughes B. Lipski A. Marques L. Przychodzi baba do lekarza. Sherry M. Wilk P. However, the specific nature of the everyday experience of people with intellectual disability is still neglected and unrecognised.

The aim of this article is to show the concept of masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability. The research is placed in the stream of qualitative research using a case study as a method. The subject of the research covers the statements of men with intellectual disability concerning masculinity.

The analysis of the research material obtained from 12 interviews allowed for the identification of four types of masculinity. It allows for the identification, classification and categorisation of people into women and men. It is necessary to build knowledge about oneself, ideas, but also to design the future.

It is worth noting that in considerations about people with intellectual disability, the imper- sonal form is most often used, and after all the sex of these people does not disappear after the diagnosis and is undoubtedly one of the main elements of building their identity. Therefore, it is necessary to thoroughly explore the specific nature of everyday experience of people with intellectual disability and include it in the discourse of special andragogy.

In each of these perspectives, the fundamental issue includes the differences that exist between the sexes. It is assumed that the term describes the features and behaviours considered appropriate in a given culture for men or women. As such, it constitutes a social label that encompasses both characteristics assigned to a given sex by a society and those that people perceive in themselves.

Brannon, Psychologia rodzaju. In modern science at least four types of gender are distinguished: biological, psychological, social and cultural one. These differences, mainly related to body structure, include anatomical, hormonal and reproductive functions and are independent of social factors. Psychological gender is shaped by a combination of biological and social factors. The results of nu- merous scientific studies carried out in the last two decades3 have resulted in significant changes in the perception of psychological gender.

Donnelly, J. Sandra Lipsitz-Bem, who reject- ed the division into male and female attributes, significantly verified the concept of psychological gender. The author assumed that femi- ninity and masculinity constitute two separate personality dimen- sions and are not in opposition to each other. On the other hand, social gender is a set of roles, expectations, stereotypes, defined as masculine or feminine, somehow built around biological features.

The World Health Organization WHO defines social gender as the socially created roles, behaviour, activities and attributes that a given society deems appropriate for men and wom- en. Social gender, unlike biological gender, is contextual and shaped differently in individual societies. The second feature of gender, or socially shaped sex, is its changeability over time. There are numer- ous examples — from the prohibition of higher education or voting rights for women in force at the end of the 19th century to the recent- ly changed regulation about dependency leave which could not be taken by men in Poland.

Gender, as a social category, imposes be- longing to a specific social group consistent with the gender. It affects the ways of interaction, communication, personality shaping and the functioning of an individual in society. The adoption of gender sche- mas largely depends on socialisation, and therefore on the extent to which gender differences were emphasised in the upbringing process and the extent to which the child learned to be a woman or a man. And broadly understood social roles, which are often clearly assigned to one gender, may be consid- ered appropriate.

Gender plays an important role in shaping this image, to which specific behaviour, features and social roles are assigned. These categories are developed around the age of three years and are largely resistant to changes. Cros, H. In: Wojciszke B. Huston, The development of sex typing: themes from recent research, Developmental Reviev, 5, , pp.

Nijakowski, J. Szacki, M. It is only a form of social stigma and symbolization which of these traits are perceived as masculine and feminine. Miluska, P. Boski Ed. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 51 of processing information about the environment and engage in behaviour consistent with the stereotype of their own gender than androgynous and agender people. Adopting the perspective of representatives of the interactionist and ethnomethodological trend in sociology, it is therefore possible to state that gender is shaped in interactions and is a social status that must be achieved; that the gender difference is produced by social institutions by e.

During development, a typification process takes place, as a result of which an individual develops a specific type of gender identity, manifest- ed by its identification with a specific gender. Garfinkel, Studia z etnometodologii, Warszawa, ; E. West, D. Gender, as the most visible, distinctive and universal trait, is a par- ticularly good basis for creating stereotypes.

Stereotypes are sets of beliefs about the traits possessed by representatives of a given catego- ry — in this case: the category of a woman or a man. They strengthen the ordering function of social roles that determine the behaviour of group members and become the binding standard for their regula- tion. The influence of roles associated with gender on behaviour is explained by the concepts of normative influence, the concepts of self-fulfilling prophecy and the different variants of the role.

The prevalence of gender role stereotypes and their regula- tory power is determined by the type of social organisation. Gender schemas provide patterns of expectations about behaviour, interests, traits, skills, and people generally behave in ways that are consistent with them. As a result, these individuals strictly adapt to the prevailing gender stereotypes. On the other hand, the more pe- ripheral the position of the schema the less significant it is , the more the individual is able to demonstrate flexibility in behaviour depending on the situation, which is characteristic of androgynous people.

Research on masculinity and femininity The beginnings of interest in gender are dated at as late as the end of the 19th century18 and are associated with research on intelli- gence. Bem, who introduced the concept of androgyny as two independent dimensions of masculinity and femininity. In the s, the concept of gender as a social category was also initiated, and in the s a number of theories describing gender at the interpersonal level, or at the level of behaviour per- ceived as appropriate for a given sex, were developed.

They grew out of the continuation of feminist movment, and research conducted from this perspective, sought to deepen the analysis of masculinity and the male experience as socially, culturally, and historically conditioned issues. The s brought a critique of the traditional male role and its associated stereotypes.

Fundamental differences between the genders are assumed here. Supporters of the minimalist approach perceive little significant difference be- tween the genders they concern some cognitive abilities and emo- tional characteristics and suggest that it is society that contributes to their formation. However, meta-analyses conducted in recent years have shown the validity of the recognition of gender as a pre- dictor of differences in, for example, the abilities of men and women.

Masculinity — traditional and modern approach Masculinity is a concept that has evolved over the centuries, both in terms of its perception and implementation. With the trans- formation of societies, the models of both masculinity and femininity changed, but they have always been connected with the perfor- mance of specific roles. It is based on the dualism of gender roles, the asymmetry of male and female characteristics.

It requires a man to dominate other men, women and children. It means the necessity to suppress feelings and emotions. Auderska, H. Skorupka Ed. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 55 ognising these values as fundamental in creating a new social order. It contains the concepts of androgyny and self-development under- stood as striving for full humanity. This paradigm allows a man to display both masculine and feminine characteristics. Their life motto is collaboration, not domination, they are partners for women and children.

The man is the head of the household, the breadwinner of the family. Male domination is understood here as supremacy in the physical, mental and social spheres, including the economic one. The traditional male type is physically strong, decision-making and has the highest position in the family space. He includes no elements of femininity, and his image is built in a way to be its opposite.

He is a human being with strong emotional control, rational and not showing weakness. He negates in themselves everything that is perceived as feminine in culture, building his image of a strong, self-confident, competent and dominant person. Generally speaking, it can be said that the image of a man has been created over the years in opposition to the image of a woman.

The traits attributed to men are those that women lack. In contrast, the modern paradigm emphasises the complementa- rity of genders, emphasising the equality and partnership of women and men. Modern masculinity diverges more and more from the stereotypical image that has never before associated it with the ethos of beauty. Physical beauty of a man begins to be a feature of their masculinity, which contradicts the stereotypical vision of mas- culinity.

Siewicz23 writes, the pressure of idealism that is characteristic of modern times makes a man begin to search for his identity closer to the identity of women. The gender blurring con- fronts men with the problem of determining their own masculinity. He is a regular visitor of clubs, discos and beauty salons. He cares a lot about his physical appearance, often decides to do make- up, dye his hair, wear jewellery. He dresses fashionably, some- times even eccentrically.

He is self-confident and expresses his emotions openly; — a lumbersexual man from English word lumberjack — he is hypermasculine, has facial hair, is not afraid of technical and technological challenges, is resourceful. He has all the traits stereotypically attributed to men.

He does not focus all his attention on physical appearance, he does not lament over his own fate; — a princesexual man — elegant, stylised as a prince from a fairy tale. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 57 — a Macho man — he is associated with the sexual plane: he is a symbol of sexual potential; combining domination with phal- locentrism and at the same time with aggression, risk and fear; — a Playboy man — focused on consumption and treating women in this way.

It should also be emphasised that in the modern era, mass media are an important tool of cultural influence, so a significant part of knowledge about contemporary men is shaped by what can be watched on the Internet and on television. According to Polish research, the following appear among the new models of masculinity — in family life, a partner and guardian for a child next to the traditional role of breadwinner and head of the household , — a partner or a single in a relationship with a woman next to the traditional macho and playboy model , — in a homosexual relationship with a man next to the tradi- tional rival or friend model , — in the professional sphere, a model based on the traditional concept of typically masculine characteristics and attributes of a businessman, politician and athlete.

The author believes that there is no one type of masculinity with fixed determinants or parameters — masculinity has many constructs, var- ied depending on e. Moreover, the author drew atten- tion to the hierarchy of masculinity and distinguished its three levels. The first is the cultural ideal of masculinity that the vast majority of men in a given society strive for. It is rarely achieved, and it is de- fined by the traits of physical appearance muscular, strong figure , heterosexuality, as well as high social and economic position, authori- ty and power hegemonic masculinity.

This is the type of man who brings others under his control. Representatives of this model are supporters of patriarchalism and the dominant model of masculinity, but for various reasons, e. Men representing the type of complicit masculinity are husbands, fathers, local activists. Connel, J. Messerschmidt, Hegemonic masculinity. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 59 nating the rest of gender categories.

According to Connell, non- heterosexual men occupy the very bottom of the hierarchy of mascu- linity, or they constitute masculinity that is subordinate and most excluded as a result of symbolic connection. The works of Connell, as a precursor of the theory of masculini- ty, were also followed by numerous critical studies.

Years later she verified, supplemented and developed some of them. He distinguished two types of masculinity: the first — traditional one, called orthodox masculinity, is characterised by homophobia and misogyny. This type enhances heterosexism and supports patriar- chy. The second type is inclusive masculinity. Inclusive masculinity, according to this theory, does not compete for hegemony.

It includes men who are able to demonstrate both emotional and physical intimacy. Eric Anderson brought to mascu- linity research the importance of recognizing the equality of masculi- ne types. According to this approach, men — although more and more often undertake tasks that were considered non-masculine — still maintain their privileged position.

Research on hybrid masculinities suggests that hybrid masculinity distances itself from traditional masculine norms while recreating and enhancing hegemonic masculinity. Another type of masculinity described in the literature includes caring masculinities, the definition of which is primarily attributed to Karin Elliott.

The main characteristics of caring masculinities are: rejection of domination, adoption of care-related values, under- standing of the interdependence of individuals and their relation- ships. There are various ways of practising such masculinity, e. Protective masculinity is an alternative to hegemonic masculinity.

According to Karla Elliott, caring masculinity rejects the pursuit of domination, assigning high value to positive emotions. Providing care allows men to feel responsible, competent and happy. Research on the masculinity of people with intellectual disability Issues related to the gender of people with disability have gained the interest of scientists only recently. As written by Wilson et al. Research that is conducted in the area of intellectual disability and sexuality most often focuses on the sexuality of people with intellectual disability mainly in the context of their needs and on parenthood more often motherhood than fatherhood.

Their results often show that intellectual disability does not have to exclude the possibility of fulfilling the role of a partner and father, and often even reveal the ability to fulfil them in an atmosphere of love and support. It should be emphasised that in recent years there has been an increase in interest in these issues.

This is the right approach, also given the deeply entrenched social stereotypes and prejudices. Wilson, T. Parmenter, R. Stancliffe, R. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 61 norm and beyond, to the benefit of emphasising common features can also be observed. Mejnar- towicz34, R. Pichalski35, B. Antoszewska, K. Kijak37, and among foreign researchers by, among others, L. Conod L. Ser- vais38, N. Wilson et al. Rushbrooke C. Murray S. In: M. Aouil Ed. Rodzina i praca, Bydgoszcz, , p.

Graban Ed. XII, No 1 vol. Conod, L. Servais, Sexual life in subjects with intellectual disability. Shuttleworth, From diminished men to conditionally masculine: sexuality and Australian men and adolescent boys with intellectual disability. Rushbrooke, C. Murray, S. Banks41, C. Friedman et al.

Llewellyn, D. Mayes H. Borowska- -Beszta and U. However, there is still little research that explores the masculinity of people with intellectual disability from their own perspective. Methodology of own research The research discussed in this article is placed in the stream of qualitative research using a case study as a method.

Friedman, C. Arnold, A. Owen, L. Sexuality and Disability, 32 4 , pp. Llewellyn, R. Mcconnell, H. McConnell, H. Past, Present and Futures. Mayes, H. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 63 understand the concept of masculinity of adult men with intellectual disability. The goal is inspirational46 and is related to the knowledge gap in the field of masculinity research. Yin distinguishes three types of case studies — explanatory, descriptive, and exploratory one.

A start- ing point for the present study was the last type aimed at identify- ing and describing the phenomenon under study. The applied tech- nique is the free-form, partially guided interview48, while the tool includes the instructions for the interview.

The analysis covered 12 interviews with men with intellectual disability, aged from 20 to 57, diagnosed with moderate intellectual disability. They all had preserved verbal communication. The inter- views lasted from one to three hours and were of different dynamics and course. The respondents stayed in the following social environ- ments: — nursing home 5 interviews — communal home of mutual aid 5 interviews — family home 2 interviews.

Results of the study The analysis of the research material allowed for the identifica- tion of 4 types of masculinity. Yin, Studium przypadku w badaniach naukowych. Somatic disorders and ailments occupy a central place in the self-image. The re- spondents perceive themselves from the angle of their disabil- ity, through the dysfunctions of their body.

Functioning is simplified here to the disease and the treatment process. They are the main area of interest, and other aspects seem to be treated as unimportant and often neglected. A person man is reduced here to the biological limitations and possibilities of the body, and disability is always identified with a disease. This type of man differs from the dominant male model.

Men of this type cannot fulfil the male role as they imagine e. The sense of dissatisfac- tion with life, and the inability to fulfil plans and dreams are visible. Among this type of men, the effects of long-term help- lessness training are visible, which resulted in a lack of life ini- tiative. The striking element in the statements is the feeling of considerable dependence on others parents ordered, the girl wanted, the doctor decided.

Agency is replaced here with a feeling of helplessness and inability to accept their fate. Pain and suffering are its visible manifestation. The man feels dis- advantaged and sometimes worse than others. This sense of dependence covers many spheres, including intellectual one. The respondents rarely perceive their contribu- tion to the possibility of changing the situation, e.

The respondents show knowledge about real restrictions and prohibitions. The sense of prohibitions and or- ders restricting them violates their visible needs for fulfilling so- cial roles, including those related, in the opinion of the respond- ents, to gender. The sense of agency is located somewhat outside the respondents, or outside, and this results in a sense of inability, helplessness and the need to accept the fate.

However, this attitude is not without emancipatory ele- ments. The respondents often feel competent and able to act as a parent or partner. Being a man is not a moot point here. Masculinity appears here as a psychophysical unity, or it is important for the respondents both in the physical aspect and in the sense of a personal trait, and is an emanation of strength, which is the basic element in constructing their mas- culinity.

It is also part of certain skills, e. The na- ture of this type of masculinity is the superior position of a man, which is manifested in controlling the situation, con- trolling others, but also self-control controlling emotions and the forms of their expression. Masculinity turns out to be the driving force here. The superior position means not showing signs of weakness.

This variability most often re- sults from the context of the situation to which the respondent relates Sometimes I am the man, well, if it is needed to bring something, or to do other things, for example. In the research material, it is also possible to find examples of the identifica- tion of the respondents with their own gender and, at the same time, questioning it I wear trousers and I have a suit, I guess I am a man, but girls also do, so do not know.

It can be assumed that this is the result of disharmony between the role of the dependent person and the conscious components of identity. In this type, the aversion to the masculine role is sometimes visible, which may result from humiliation that the respondent suffered earlier in life, which was caused by men. Experience particularly important for the formation of masculinity of the respondents included: the feeling of disabil- ity, dependence, being weaker, inferior, lack of love, and oc- curred already in childhood.

Strategies for dealing with this experience are usually related to the subordination to the envi- ronment, obedience, and accepting the views of others. Summary Masculinity constitutes an important identification category for the respondents. All respondents used a rather consistent conceptu- al system to describe themselves and their own gender.

The study revealed important threads related to the biog- raphy of the respondents. The main components for defining masculinity were physical appearance, physical attractive- ness or its lack , interpersonal relationships, and social roles. Intel- lectual disability appears here primarily as a limitation of the life opportunities of the respondents. The sense of being inferior activates the mechanisms of cognitive distortion, including the area of reduced agency.

The socially functioning model of mas- culinity and the role of the passive recipient make it difficult or even impossible to perceive the intellectually disabled in terms of cultur- ally understood masculinity. The problem of gender identification is even more complicated here than in the case of people with other types of disability.

It is mainly influenced by the social environment in which the person was brought up. The intellectually disabled are largely deprived of the possibility of making important life decisions. Their sexuality is denied, compared to children, depriv- ing them of self-determination. Due to the infantilisation of the rela- tionship, the inability to fulfil the role of husband and father, the very process of identification with the gender role is disturbed.

All the requirements constituting the social construct of masculinity are extremely difficult to meet by men defined as intellectually dis- abled. The aim of this article was to draw attention to the fact that the experience and problems of men with intellectual disability vary. The specific nature of the needs of this social group and the prob- lems related to the masculine gender should be recognised.

The presented research is to be not so much an answer as a question about the identity of a man with intellectual disability, and an at- tempt to provoke reflection on the perception of masculinity in the face of this disability. As in the case of other social groups, it is not a homogeneous group. References Antoszewska B. XII, no. Apanowicz P. Arcimowicz K. Auderska S.

Badinter E. Banks, N. Bem-Lipsitz S. Zimbardo ed. Biddulph S. Brannon L. Chodorow N. Connell R. Rethinking the concept. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 69 Cross S. Donnelly K. Dulko S. Friedman C. Garfinkel H. Huston A. Kijak R. Kessler S. New York Aouil ed. Rodzina i praca, Wydawnictwo Akademii Bydgoskiej, Bydgoszcz Kwiatkowska A.

Boski ed. Mayes R. Mandal E. Mejnartowicz D. Graban ed. Melosik Z. Miluska J. Ostrowska A. Pichalski R. Rubacha J. Rushbrooke E. Siewicz K. Strykowska M. Suwada K. Wilson N. Shuttleworth R. Masculinity from the perspective of men with intellectual disability 71 Wojciechowska Z.

Wojciszke B. Yin K. The article presents the results of qualitative research on the opinions of female pedagogy students suffering from depression on the social determinants of their illness, their difficulties studying and the availability of sup- port.

Studies have shown that students suffering from depression have a strong need to obtain specialist psychological support at the university. KEY WORDS: depression, students, pedagogy, studies, academic space, support Introduction Depression is a civilizational disease that affects an increasingly large population. It is becoming widespread across all age groups and communities. The sense of uncertainty about finding a job, rising requirements, and the social pressure related to the excess expectations all con- tribute to mental disorders.

Franczak2 has observed that the time of university education may come with the heightened risk of various mental problems, including some early episodes of mental disorders. XXIX, 1, pp. Suwalska, A. Suwalska, M. Jaworska, N. Morawska, P. Morga, J. Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 75 What points to the need for investigating the group of students of educational studies are the results of research projects by M.

Kiejna8, who have demonstrated that students of educational studies are part of the individuals with heightened sus- ceptibility to depression. Depression incidence depends on the adopted diagnostic crite- ria, research tools used and the age of respondents, specifically the year of university education under investigation.

Rosal and associates9 established that the incidence of depression among first- year students is similar to that in the general population of young people. However, the rate of those with depression among students rises as they advance in their university programmes much more than within the comparative group. Many factors influence the oc- currence of depression in students. The main ones are stress, anxiety and mood disorders associated with frequent lack of sleep, poor eating habits, irregular physical activity, high self and social expec- tations and insufficient support systems.

Students are at a point in their lives where they need to make choices, make binding life deci- sions. Rosal, I. Ockene, J. Ockene, S. Barrett, Y. Ma, I. Jakubiec and others, the inability to cope with the severe stress that affects students, as well as numerous anti-health habits, may be manifested by psychological disorders.

It is therefore so important to develop various forms of support for stu- dents with depression. Individual academic communities recognize the nature of the problem and have been introducing various pro- jects related to mental health and emotional support on their own. Some universities have Bureaus for the Disabled, which also seek to support people with mental disorders. Justification of the research position, research methodology and specification of respondents The results of the qualitative research presented in the article were delivered in — Mojs, K.

Warchol-Biederman, W. Psychology , 3 2 , pp. Jakubiec, D. Kornafel, A. Cygan, L. Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 77 availability of psychological support at the university. Four inter- views have been conducted with students of educational studies as part of this project. The interviews were conducted on the uni- versity premises.

These were extensive statements that revealed personal, subjective experiences of the respondents. Attempts to explore subjective experiences require the researcher and the re- spondent to explore the phenomena thoroughly and study them in all their complexity.

Each of the interviews had the same structure, based on the assumptions of the narrative interview methodology. With this kind of research pro- ject, the respondent has an opportunity to trace some of their mem- ories; this lets him or her reflect on how they assign value to certain phenomena and how they interpret reality. Pilch, T. In: D. PWN, Warsaw , pp. PWN, Warszawa , pp. Demetrio, Autobiografia. Terapeutyczny wymiar pisania o sobie.

Then milestones in individual biographies, turning points or critical events were identified, and categories common to most of the narratives were determined. The interviews showed the complexity, diversity and ambiguity of these categories. The research group consisted of four students suffering from depression. Each of them received a positive clinical diagnosis of the depressive disorder.

Three stu- dents were using professional support — psychotherapy, and one additionally used pharmacotherapy. All of them are students of educational studies. Kinga has been suffering from depression for two years. She is 23 years old and is going to graduate this year. She also works as a teacher at one of Warsaw kindergartens. She started to think she might have depression when her symptoms grew more intense ear- ly in the second year of her university education.

Her friends urged her to use psychological counselling. For a year and a half now, she has attended weekly therapy sessions. She believes that she has already experienced the worst point in her depression.

The other respondent is year-old Agata. She currently studies education and has previously studied sociology. She says she has experienced three depressive episodes. During the second one, she did not seek such assistance, mainly for financial reasons. During the inter- view, she was managing a crisis related to the third episode. Waniek ed. The names of the students have been altered.

Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 79 The third respondent was Marta 23 years old — a third-year student of educational studies. Anxiety disorders are her main is- sue. She seeks to combat them primarily with pharmacology. In the past half a year, her anxiety disorders came to be accompanied by depressive symptoms. She has recently started using psycho- therapy.

Karolina 22 years was the fourth student participating in this research project. She is about to complete the second year of her university education. She has been suffering from depression for the last four years and has used counselling for three. Social background of depression All of the students taking part in this project are aware of their disorders and do not use the repression mechanism when discuss- ing it. However, none of them unequivocally refers to their disorder as depression.

They use both scientific and colloquial terms to dis- cuss their depressive episodes. These include: an episode, a phase, sadness, an emotional trap, the strong desire to do something yet not being able to, a metaphor of a jar about to crack.

Discussing the circumstances behind their depression, the stu- dents did not refer to biological causes; instead, they pointed to various factors that they found out either themselves or during therapy. Each of the respondents has been exposed to one or more strong stressors.

These included factors related to studying as well as those unrelated to studying nor academic life. However, they have mostly touched upon studying-related matters and pointed to the following circumstances: moving to a new place, loneliness, social pressure, changes in the study arrangements, comparing one- self to peers, disheartening comments from professors, and the fear related to studying.

Kinga and Agata list many more studying-related stressors than Marta and Karoline do. The critical moment for Kinga was her move to a new place and a new community. Agata speaks in a similar vein: I think some people are driven by change and new people and new situations. Others are quite the opposite, and I am one of the latter, I guess Agata, aged Moving to a new place came with loneliness.

Both Kinga and Agata refer to this experience as one of the least pleasant experienc- es early in their studies. Kinga also says that her loneliness was due to the fact that all her friends and acquaintances decided to study in another city. She compares her situation to the film Home Alone, since at first she had to focus solely on survival. Loneliness made them feel a growing sense of hopelessness. They came to view their situations as difficult as they had nobody to talk to about what they were going through or share problems with and look for solutions together.

With the loneliness, Kinga stayed with her own thoughts on her own for so long for the first time ever. This made her gain some insight into the events in her life that significantly contributed to her disease. Karolina, Kinga and Agata are all pointing to the high educa- tional pressure from their families. Karolina talks about her situa- tion as follows: My parents have always said that you needed to study, that studying is the most important thing.

If you do not study, life will be hard for you… and so on… Karolina, aged Kinga believed that her family expects her to be a successful student. Her parents thought of her decision to go to university as a decision for life. As a student, she could not err, since studying has a bearing on her entire future. Kinga, aged The student says: As I look at it in retrospect, I wish they had not tried to convince me to give up studying even before.

The family pressure also concerned her prospective career. In the student world, there is the widespread belief that it is virtually impossible to find a job. I could not handle that; from the very begin- ning, I would be so scared I would never find a job and be unemployed Agata, aged The sense of hopelessness may have been exacer- bated in them by the additional aspect mentioned by Kinga.

She said that she had no longer wanted to be a financial burden on her family and therefore could not afford wrong study decisions. The risk of failure therefore made her feel long-term tension. Early on in their studies, both respondents experienced stressful external situations resulting from their study arrangements. Agata was therefore in a very difficult situation.

Even though she admits that she was interested in the field of study she pursued, she was discouraged by her parents from pursuing it because of the bleak career prospects. She also knew that she had to make a prompt decision, as she could not afford to pay tuition for the other study programme.

Now, Kinga points to German language classes as a factor that has strongly influenced her functioning. She adds that she had never studied that language before and had not realized she would not be able to continue learning Spanish. That seemed an extremely difficult challenge to her, too. I learned Spanish in high school.

And then came the German language, suddenly Kinga, aged Both Kinga and Agata were surprised by the changes in the ed- ucational system. Their sense of threat might have been aggravated by the belief that they had no influence on their situations and that they had to cope under the new circumstances. Early on in their university education, the sense of control the two respondents had over their study programmes fell dramatically. They also felt some uncertainty about whether the following day might bring even more difficulties or not.

Kinga recalls that: It was not easy to start up, and then I would face surprises every half a year Kinga, aged Another study-related aspect covered by Agata is the fact she would compare herself with her peers. She recalls that few of the fellow students valued their studies highly.

Most of them had other aspirations — that programme was merely an interim stage leading to other university programmes or an opportunity to prepare for re- taking their A-levels. In contrast, Agata was satisfied with her stud- ies and thus felt she was inferior to her peers. They would also say that it was hard to find a job and that competition is high Agata, aged Marta talks much less about her studies in the context of her de- pression.

She discusses the aspects of studying from the perspective of her fear of taking tests and exams. Marta is also paralyzed with anxiety related to her graduation project and the conversation with her graduation project supervisor. This makes her feel like she is in a vicious circle — on the one hand, she is afraid that she will not be able to graduate on time, and, on the other, she cannot make the effort to work faster.

The defense of the BA thesis is very stressful, and I am scared of my supervisor Marta, aged Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 83 Agata is the only respondent who claims her studies have di- rectly caused her disorder. In the case of Kinga and Karolina, the study-related stress in a way paved the way to their disorders. Such factors were mentioned during the interviews by Kinga and Marta. This is by far the most difficult part of the conversation for Kinga.

Since she mentioned a situation unrelated to her studies, she has made long pauses, has not finished her sentences. She has kept indirectly discussing her background without ever coming to the crux of the matter. Then she agrees to have a short break. Following the break, we deliberately change the topic — we start talking about the symptoms of her disease rather than the causes.

Soon, the stu- dent cuts her sentence short and says: OK, I will tell you this Kinga, aged I was left alone with that and could not handle that. This might have been one of the most difficult experiences in her life. In the light of this information, we can risk a hypothesis that her depression may be a symptom of some more complex difficulties — for instance PTSD.

She says: I have started to see some symptoms in myself recently, too. My doctor warned me that this could be like this Marta, aged The respondents discussed various factors behind their depres- sion, those related to studying or aggravated by stress that comes with studying and those unrelated to academic life.

Morrison, DSM-5 bez tajemnic. Marta talks about this in the following way: For example, I have stopped wanting things. Any- thing. You know, the things that used to make me happy — they suddenly no longer do. I find it difficult to feel pleasure at all.

Agata describes her third episode of depression similarly. She also gives examples. She says that she had been very interested in some subjects before her symptoms occurred. However, when the depression had appeared, she lost the willingness to attend classes. She came to have prob- lems with her motivation to further pursue her studies. An external symptom of the depression in Agata and Kinga was coming late for classes. The two students were unable to find the motivation to fulfill their duties on time.

In addition, Agata would give up the goals she previously set for herself: When I had some plans, whenever I was just about to deliver a given plan, I would take a step back and retreat — I would suddenly change my mind, distance my- self; and then I would not do anything about it anymore Agata, aged When talking about the symptoms of depression, Marta, Kinga and Karolina also mention the feeling of sadness and hopelessness.

They claim these feelings led to a great sense of helplessness. Kinga recalls: I would howl into the pillow more and more, and then, 2 weeks later, I stopped crying. But I kept howling Kinga, aged While talk- ing about sadness, Marta and Kinga also mention their psychomo- tor restraint. Marta refers to them as apathy and strong incessant fatigue, and Kinga adds that one day she stopped getting out of bed: For a week, I did not even move to wash dishes Kinga, aged Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 85 Karolina indicates a similar situation: On some days, I would not even get out of bed — I would just sleep or lay in bed and did not do anything Karolina, aged Agata says that she had the tendency to self-harm.

That was the direct reason for her decision to see a psy- chiatrist: …in December, I went to the recommended facility to meet the psychiatrist; it was at the time I wanted to hurt myself Agata, aged An additional symptom pointed out by the students subject to this study was excessive sleepiness.

Sleep, however, did not help them relax. Despite having slept, they felt tired, which was one of the reasons they were spending more and more time in bed. The students perceive their depression as a factor that has a di- rect impact on their everyday functioning, mainly on their social relations, studying and life plans. The statements made by the students allow us to distinguish between four themes raised by them: the loss of motivation to study, the loss of interest, external manifestations of these two attitudes, consequences or lack of them experienced due to the change in their behaviour.

The common factor of all of the interviews was the loss of moti- vation. Kinga said that after the initial struggle to get up in the morning, she completely stopped caring about her studies: As I was more and more tired, I stopped getting up in the morning.

Well, as long as I was lashing out at myself, I was able to get up after a while and get to the second or third class. I was very often late. But then I completely stopped caring Kinga, aged Agata and Karolina had similar experiences; they say nothing about their studies could have motivated them.

I stopped attending them completely. From some point on, I was late for everything. I was late for everything, totally; I could not manage that Agata, aged Karolina talks in a similar fashion: Although I had previously been interested in working with children, in pedagogical sub- jects, when this thing had started, I lost my interest and then I either did not study at all or studied out of necessity Karolina, aged Marta mentions the lack of motivation in the context of writing her BA thesis.

When it comes to the bachelor degree, well, I have no motiva- tion to write it. Somehow, I feel that it all makes no sense, I sit down and do things that make no sense, I keep changing the font colour Marta, aged Kinga talks about peda- gogy as a domain of her previous interests: It was interesting.

I went to the university out of passion, I came up with educational studies. I thought I would finally be able to do what I like! It was my world. But it was probably only then that I realised that Kinga, aged The respondent recalls: There are classes I am really interested in and, previously, I had looked forward to attending them so much, but then I did not go to these classes at all Agata, aged I had wanted to write about that earlier.

But I do not know, it seems to me that I will not be able to make it anyway, and it makes no sense Marta, aged Everyday life of pedagogy students suffering from depression 87 Kinga and Agata demonstrate similar behaviour during their studies — both of them were often late or even stopped coming to classes at some point. At the same time, they point out that they faced no consequences. Kinga did not make up for the missed part of the curriculum de- livered while she was absent.

She says that it was an insurmounta- ble challenge: Under normal circumstances, you would simply try to make up for it, but when you struggle with himself or for yourself, then any other struggle seems much more difficult. Every challenge is an obsta- cle.

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